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THT 81
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Philological commentaryContinues A 343, continued on THT 82 and PK NS 35 a 3ff. The translation basically follows Schmidt KT 2001: 309-10. a2. The restoration of the tune name to niṣkramāntne is based on the often attested TA form niṣkramāntaṃ "In [the tune] niṣkramānt". a2-a4. According to Sieg/Siegling, the meter has basically 4 x 17 syllables (6/6/5 or 5/7/5), while pāda 1b has one syllable to many. It is quite clear that it is the first colon to contain the additional syllable, because it is repeated as such in pāda 1d (where the seven syllables are correct) and, what is more, the sandhi-triggered gemination in ñiś proves that the internal ceasura cannot be restored after the pronoun. a3. Schmidt, l.c., translates: "Er hat mich von [seinem] Gefolge [...] fortgejagt", which is, most likely, a typo for "vor [seinem] Gefolge", since this is the meaning of enepre. Cf. also Carling 2000: 357. a3-a4. The traditional interpretation of pāda 1c is based on the restoration and correction (ri)toyt(a)r by Sieg/Siegling. Accordingly, Thomas 1957: 181 translates: "Von einem Weisen dürfte eher der Tod gesucht werden, [als] daß ihm die Ehre genommen würde [wörtl. daß die Scham fortgebeugt würde]." Differently, Schmidt KT 2001: 310, fn. 42 doubts the restoration of the verbal form and reads [n](a)noyt(ä)r. A 2sg. indeed does not make any syntactical sense, and it has to be accepted that the copyist mistook a 〈ta〉 of the original for 〈ta〉 (the signs are somewhat similar as second part of an akṣara). As for the beginning of the verbal form, one would indeed expect to see some traces of an akṣara 〈ri〉 around the lacuna, and the rather small akṣara 〈na〉, as proposed by Schmidt, would certainly fit. Since there is no trace of an upper vowel sign, 〈a〉 does indeed seem to be the best reading. It is also true that the following akṣara is a 〈na〉 rather than a 〈ta〉. However, although nānā- (Gv.) is so far the only known verb forming a Sub V and ending in -n, Schmidt's interpretation is, in my opinion, not really convincing with respect to semantics, because the (intransitive) verb means "to appear" (not passive "hingenommen werden = "to be accepted", as Schmidt translates). The genitive aiśaumyepi is most certainly the agens of a passive construction, which means that the underlying verbal form has to be a passive and not an intransitive. So far, no root that fits all these requirements is known. A similar problem occurs with the second verbal form rmoytär, which is also intransitive and not passive (pace Thomas in TochSprR(B)2: 236). Furthermore, pace Thomas in TochSprR(B)2: 236, päst (most likely with intensifying function) for syntactical reasons belongs to the first verbal form and not to rmoytär. a5. Sieg/Siegling read ñī yaitkorsa, but the original seems to be more damaged now. Only a part of the ī and 〈ya〉 is still visible, the ai is missing. b1. It is certain that kan(·) is a transitive 2pl. (most likely subjunctive) form of the root kän- itr. "to come about", tr. "to fulfill"; Sieg/Siegling proposed to restore to kan(aścer), which subsequently has entered the handbooks as a 2pl. Prs IXb form (see Krause and Thomas, TEB II: 181 s.v. kän-). This view was challenged with good reasons by Hackstein 1995: 235f. (followed by Malzahn 2010: 568-570), who proposed as alternative a 2pl. transitive Sub I kan(tär) based on the reading by K. T. Schmidt (p.c.). However, a close look at the original manuscript shows that the preserved remains of the second stroke of the akṣara in question can only belong to a 〈na〉 and not to the upper part of a 〈ta〉 or even 〈ta〉. Consequently, Sieg/Siegling's restoration is indeed the only philologically possible one; since the kausativium stem of kän- now in addition does show traces of A-character (see Malzahn 2010: 568-570), a 2pl. Prs IXb kan(aścer) = /känāścer/ with accent on the root is also morphologically supported. The further restoration by Sieg/Siegling to (ot) ṅke is supported by THT 78 a 3. b5-b6. The text is parallel to PK NS 35 a 1-a 2. b6. The expression (tse)ññai uppāläṃ is proplematic from a semantic and morphological point of view: Usually, one does not construct uppāl "lotus" with the adjective "blue" in a pleonastic fashion; the normal construction is "something is blue like lotus"; second, (tse)ññai (or any other adjective in -ññe) is an obl. fem. singular, while uppāl is most likely an alternant (to be honest, only the plural uppalänta is certainly a feminine, but a plural in -nta should be an alternant). In any case, if the form referred to the eyes, we would expect a plural or dual. Therefore, one can either assume a gen.sg. uppāläṃ(ntse), or, more likely, the dot here marks virama and not anusvara (as, e.g., in line b 3). In that case one might consider an expression (tse)ññai uppāl(-yokäṃ) "the blue, lotus-colored xy (= fem.sg.)". A fitting feminine word would be āśce "head"; one may speculate that Araṇemi by bowing his head, the hair of which was blue-colored, made a further gesture of respect towards the Brahmins. This would also fill the missing number of at least 10 akṣaras before the text starts again in PK NS 35 a 3. See the commentary on PK NS 35: a 3. ReferencesIDP: THT 81, TITUS: THT 81
EditorsBibliographyCarling, Gerd, 2000: Die Funktion der lokalen Kasus im Tocharischen, Berlin/New York: de Gruyter. Couvreur, Walter, 1954c: "Koetsjische literaire fragmenten uit de Berlijnse verzameling (naar aanleiding van Sieg & Siegling’s Tocharische Sprachreste)", Handelingen VIII der Zuidnederlandse Maatschappij voor Taal- en Letterkunde en Geschiedenis, 97-117. Hackstein, Olav, 1995: Untersuchungen zu den sigmatischen Präsensstammbildungen des Tocharischen, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht (HS Erg.-Heft 38). Tocharisches Elementarbuch, Band II. Texte und Glossar, von Werner Thomas unter Mitwirkung von Wolfgang Krause, Heidelberg: Winter 1964. Wolfgang Krause, Westtocharische Grammatik, Band I. Das Verbum, Heidelberg: Winter 1952. Malzahn, Melanie, 2010: The Tocharian Verbal System. Leiden/Boston: Brill. Schmidt, Klaus T., 1974: Die Gebrauchsweisen des Mediums im Tocharischen, Univ. Göttingen. Schmidt, Klaus T., 2001: "Die westtocharische Version des Araṇemi-Jātakas in deutscher Übersetzung", De Dunhuang à Istanbul. Hommage à James Russell Hamilton, prés. par Louis Bazin et Peter Zieme, Turnhout: Brepols (Silk Road Studies 5), 299-327. Thomas, Werner, 1952: Die tocharischen Verbaladjektive auf -l, Berlin: Akademie-Verlag (Deutsche Akad. der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Institut für Orientforschung 9). Thomas, Werner, 1954: "Die Infinitive im Tocharischen", Asiatica. Festschrift Friedrich Weller. Zum 65. Geburtstag, gewidmet von seinen Freunden, Kollegen und Schülern, Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 701-764. Thomas, Werner, 1957: Der Gebrauch der Vergangenheitstempora im Tocharischen, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Thomas, Werner, 1958a: "Zum Ausdruck der Komparation beim tocharischen Adjektiv", Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Sprachforschung 75, 129-169. Thomas, Werner, 1960a: "Zur Verwendung des tocharischen Verbalsubstantivs auf -r im Perlativ, Indogermanica. Festschrift für Wolfgang Krause, Heidelberg: Winter, 194-203. Thomas, Werner, 1967a: "Zu den Ausdrücken mit A ñom, B ñem im Tocharischen", IF 72, 58-78. Thomas, Werner, 1968: "Zur Verwendung von toch. A oki/B ramt und A mäṃtne/B mäkte in Vergleichen", Orbis 17, 198-231. Thomas, Werner, 1977b: "Zu „Tocharisch“ im Handbuch der Orientalistik", Orbis 26, 168-179. Thomas, Werner, 1979b: Formale Besonderheiten in metrischen Texten des Tocharischen: Zur Verteilung von B tane/tne 'hier' und B ñake/ñke 'jetzt', Mainz: Verlag d. Akad. d. Wissenschaften und d. Literatur (Abhandlungen d. Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse 1979, 15). Thomas, Werner, 1979d: "Zur Verwendung von A śla, B śale, śle im Tocharischen", KZ 93, 150-173. Thomas, Werner, 1981: "Indogermanisches in der Syntax des Tocharischen: Zum Ausdruck eines Gebotes und Verbotes", Festschrift der Wissenschaftlichen Gesellschaft an der Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main, Wiesbaden: Steiner, 481-497. Thomas, Werner, 1983: Der tocharische Obliquus im Sinne eines Akkusativs der Richtung, Mainz: Verlag d. Akad. d. Wissenschaften und d. Literatur (Abhandlungen d. Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse 1983, 6). Thomas, Werner, 1988: "Toch. AB säm-/läm- ‘sitzen’ in transitivem Gebrauch", CAJ 32, 244-259. Thomas, Werner, 1990: Tocharische Maitreya-Parallelen aus Hami, Stuttgart: Steiner (SbWGF XXVII, 1). Thomas, Werner, 1993: Parallele Texte im Tocharischen und ihre Bewertung, Stuttgart: Steiner (SbWGF XXX, 5). Thomas, Werner, 1995: Zur tocharischen Syntax. Adverbiales A māk, B māka ‘viel’, Stuttgart: Steiner (SbWGF XXXIII, 2). Thomas, Werner, 1997: Interpretationsprobleme im Tocharischen. Unflektiertes A puk, B po 'ganz, all, jeder', Stuttgart: Steiner (SbWGF XXXV, 3). Thesaurus Indogermanischer Text- und Sprachmaterialien. TITUS. Tocharian Manuscripts from the Berlin Turfan Collection. Transcriptions prepared by Christiane Schaefer, transliterations by Tatsushi Tamai and transliterations by Katharina Kupfer. Edited by Jost Gippert, Katharina Kupfer, and Tatsushi Tamai, Frankfurt am Main, 2000-2007; at: http://titus.fkidg1.uni-frankfurt.de/texte/tocharic/thtframe.htm TochSprR(B) II: Tocharische Sprachreste. Sprache B, hg. v. †E. Sieg und †W. Siegling, Heft 2. Fragmente Nr. 71-633, aus dem Nachlaß hg. v. Werner Thomas, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 1953. Tocharische Sprachreste. Sprache B. Teil I: Die Texte. Band 1. Fragmente Nr. 1-116 der Berliner Sammlung, hg. v. †Emil Sieg und †Wilhelm Siegling, neubearbeitet und mit einem Kommentar nebst Register versehen v. Werner Thomas, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 1983. |
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Medieninhaber: Universität Wien, Institut für Sprachwissenschaft | Inhalt: Melanie Malzahn | Programmierung: Martin Braun | Design: Patricia Katharina Hoda |
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