Vortrag von Beáta Gyuris

Datum: 25. Juni 2019
Ort: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft, Sensengasse 3a, 1090 Wien

Biased polar questions in Hungarian

The talk provides a survey of the basic form types that can be used to encode polar questions in Hungarian, which include

a) polar interrogatives marked with the help of the -e interrogative particle, and
b) polar interrogatives marked with the help of a final rise-fall (/\) intonation contour.

It is argued hat whereas both forms can be shown to represent the interrogative sentence type (e.g. due to compatibility with NPIs), and both are available to encode information questions in a neutral context, in other contexts their distribution is quite different. For example, -e-interrrogatives are excluded from contexts where evidence supporting the positive answer is present, and are not available for encoding indirect requests. In addition, whereas negative /\-interrogatives give rise to both inside and outside negation readings (cf. Ladd 1981), negative e-interrrogatives only give rise to the latter. The distributional facts are represented in a two-dimensional system of bias types, proposed by Sudo (2013). We look at how the distinctions could be accommodated into recent theoretical models of polar interrogatives (Farkas&Bruce 2010, Krifka 2015).